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DaJudge
March 25th, 2008, 11:57 AM
...even if the President issues a Memorandum directing a State to give
effect to the decision. Long. Technical. Boring writing. Interesting result!
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MEDELLIN v. TEXAS (No. 06-984)

Web-accessible at:
http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/06-984.ZS.html (http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/06-984.ZS.html)

Argued: October 10, 2007 -- Decided: March 25, 2008
===============================================================
In the Case Concerning Avena and Other Mexican Nationals (Mex. v. U. S.),
2004 I. C. J. 12 (Avena), the International Court of Justice (ICJ) held that
the United States had violated Article 36(1)(b) of the Vienna Convention on
Consular Relations (Vienna Convention or Convention) by failing to inform 51
named Mexican nationals, including petitioner Medelln, of their Vienna
Convention rights. The ICJ found that those named individuals were entitled
to review and reconsideration of their U. S. state-court convictions and
sentences regardless of their failure to comply with generally applicable
state rules governing challenges to criminal convictions. In Sanchez-Llamas
v. Oregon, 548 U. S. 331 --issued after Avena but involving individuals who
were not named in the Avena judgment--this Court held, contrary to the
ICJ's determination, that the Convention did not preclude the application of
state default rules.

The President then issued a memorandum (President's Memorandum or
Memorandum) stating that the United States would "discharge its
international obligations" under Avena "by having State courts give effect
to the decision."

Relying on Avena andthe President's Memorandum, Medelln filed a second
Texas state-court habeas application challenging his state capital murder
conviction and death sentence on the ground that he had not been
informed of his Vienna Convention rights. The Texas Court of Criminal
Appeals dismissed Medelln's application as an abuse of the writ, concluding
that neither Avena nor the President's Memorandum was binding federal law
that could displace the State's limitations on filing successive habeas
applications.

Held: Neither Avena nor the President's Memorandum constitutes directly
enforceable federal law that pre-empts state limitations on the filing of
successive habeas petitions. Pp. 8-37.

1. The Avena judgment is not directly enforceable as domestic law in state
court. Pp. 8-27.

(a) While a treaty may constitute an international commitment, it is not
binding domestic law unless Congress has enacted statutes implementing it
or the treaty itself conveys an intention that it be "self-executing" and is
ratified on that basis. See, e.g., Foster v. Neilson, 2 Pet. 253, 314.

The Avena judgment creates an international law obligation on the part of
the United States, but it is not automatically binding domestic law because
none of the relevant treaty sources--the Optional Protocol, the U. N.
Charter, or the ICJ Statute--creates binding federal law in the absence of
implementing legislation, and no such legislation has been enacted.

The most natural reading of the Optional Protocol is that it is a bare grant
of jurisdiction. The Protocol says nothing about the effect of an ICJ
decision, does not commit signatories to comply therewith, and is silent as
to any enforcement mechanism. The obligation to comply with ICJ
judgments is derived from Article 94 of the U. N. Charter, which provides
that "[e]ach ... Member ... undertakes to comply with the [ICJ's]
decision ... in any case to which it is a party." The phrase "undertakes to
comply" is simply a commitment by member states to take future action
through their political branches. That language does not indicate that the
Senate, in ratifying the Optional Protocol, intended to vest ICJ decisions
with immediate legal effect in domestic courts.

This reading is confirmed by Article 94(2)--the enforcement provision--
which provides the sole remedy for noncompliance: referral to the U. N.
Security Council by an aggrieved state. The provision of an express
diplomatic rather than judicial remedy is itself evidence that ICJ judgments
were not meant to be enforceable in domestic courts. See Sanchez-Llamas,
548 U. S., at 347. Even this "quintessentially international remed[y]," id., at
355, is not absolute. It requires a Security Council resolution, and the
President and Senate were undoubtedly aware that the United States
retained the unqualified right to exercise its veto of any such resolution.
Medelln's construction would eliminate the option of noncompliance
contemplated by Article 94(2), undermining the ability of the political
branches to determine whether and how to comply with an ICJ judgment.

The ICJ Statute, by limiting disputes to those involving nations, not
individuals, and by specifying that ICJ decisions have no binding force
except between those nations, provides further evidence that the Avena
judgment does not automatically constitute federal law enforceable in U. S.
courts. Medelln, an individual, cannot be considered a party to the Avena
decision. Finally, the United States' interpretation of a treaty "is entitled to
great weight," Sumitomo Shoji America, Inc. v. Avagliano, 457 U. S., at
184-185, and the Executive Branch has unfailingly adhered to its view that
the relevant treaties do not create domestically enforceable federal law.
Pp. 8-17.

(b) The foregoing interpretive approach--parsing a treaty's text to
determine if it is self-executing--is hardly novel. This Court has long looked
to the language of a treaty to determine whether the President who
negotiated it and the Senate that ratified it intended for the treaty to
automatically create domestically enforceable federal law.
See, e.g., Foster, supra. Pp. 18-20.

(c) The Court's conclusion that Avena does not by itself constitute binding
federal law is confirmed by the "postratification understanding" of signatory
countries. See Zicherman v. Korean Air Lines Co., 516 U. S. 217 . There are
currently 47 nations that are parties to the Optional Protocol and
171 nations that are parties to the Vienna Convention. Yet neither Medelln
nor his amici have identified a single nation that treats ICJ judgments as
binding in domestic courts. The lack of any basis for supposing that any
other country would treat ICJ judgments as directly enforceable as a matter
of their domestic law strongly suggests that the treaty should not be so
viewed in our courts. See Sanchez-Llamas, 548 U. S., at 343-344, and n. 3.

The Court's conclusion is further supported by general principles of
interpretation. Given that the forum state's procedural rules govern a
treaty's implementation absent a clear and express statement to the
contrary, see e.g., id., at 351, one would expect the ratifying parties to the
relevant treaties to have clearly stated any intent to give ICJ judgments
such effect. There is no statement in the Optional Protocol, the U. N.
Charter, or the ICJ Statute that supports this notion. Moreover, the
consequences of Medelln's argument give pause: neither Texas nor this
Court may look behind an ICJ decision and quarrel with its reasoning or
result, despite this Court's holding in Sanchez-Llamas that"[n]othing in the
[ICJ's] structure or purpose ... suggests that its interpretations were
intended to be conclusive on our courts." id., at 354. Pp. 20-24.

(d) The Court's holding does not call into question the ordinary enforcement
of foreign judgments. An agreement to abide by the result of an
international adjudication can be a treaty obligation like any other, so long
as the agreement is consistent with the Constitution. In addition, Congress
is up to the task of implementing non-self-executing treaties, even those
involving complex commercial disputes.

DaJudge
March 25th, 2008, 11:57 AM
Medelln contends that domestic courts generally give effect to foreign
judgments, but the judgment Medelln asks us to enforce is hardly typical: It
would enjoin the operation of state law and force the State to take action
to "review and reconside[r]" his case. Foreign judgments awarding
injunctive relief against private parties, let alone sovereign States, "are not
generally entitled to enforcement." Restatement (Third) of Foreign Relations
Law of the United States sec.481, Comment b, p. 595 (1986). Pp. 24-27.

2. The President's Memorandum does not independently require the States
to provide review and reconsideration of the claims of the 51 Mexican
nationals named in Avena without regard to state procedural default rules.
Pp. 27-37.

(a) The President seeks to vindicate plainly compelling interests in ensuring
the reciprocal observance of the Vienna Convention, protecting relations
with foreign governments, and demonstrating commitment to the role of
international law. But those interests do not allow the Court to set aside
first principles. The President's authority to act, as with the exercise of any
governmental power, "must stem either from an act of Congress or from the
Constitution itself." Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S.
579 .

Justice Jackson's familiar tripartite scheme provides the accepted
framework for evaluating executive action in this area. First, "[w]hen the
President acts pursuant to an express or implied authorization of Congress,
his authority is at its maximum, for it includes all that he possesses in his
own right plus all that Congress can delegate." Youngstown, 343 U. S., at
635 (Jackson, J., concurring).

Second, "[w]hen the President acts in absence of either a congressional
grant or denial of authority, he can only rely upon his own independent
powers, but there is a zone of twilight in which he and Congress may have
concurrent authority, or in which its distribution is uncertain."

Id., at 637. In such a circumstance, Presidential authority can derive
support from "congressional inertia, indifference or quiescence." Ibid. Finally,
"[w]hen the President takes measures incompatible with the expressed or
implied will of Congress, his power is at its lowest ebb," and the Court can
sustain his actions "only by disabling the Congress from acting upon the
subject." Id., at 637-638. Pp. 28-29.

(b) The United States marshals two principal arguments in favor of the
President's authority to establish binding rules of decision that preempt
contrary state law. The United States argues that the relevant treaties
give the President the authority to implement the Avena judgment and that
Congress has acquiesced in the exercise of such authority. The United
States also relies upon an "independent" international dispute-resolution
power. We find these arguments, as well as Medelln's additional argument
that the President's Memorandum is a valid exercise of his "Take Care"
power, unpersuasive. Pp. 29-37.

(i) The United States maintains that the President's Memorandum is
implicitly authorized by the Optional Protocol and the U. N. Charter. But the
responsibility for transforming an international obligation arising from a non-
self-executing treaty into domestic law falls to Congress, not the
Executive. Foster, 2 Pet., at 315. It is a fundamental constitutional
principle that " '[t]he power to make the necessary laws is in Congress; the
power to execute in the President.' " Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U. S. 557 . A
non-self-executing treaty, by definition, is one that was ratified with the
understanding that it is not to have domestic effect of its own force. That
understanding precludes the assertion that Congress has implicitly
authorized the President--acting on his own--to achieve precisely the same
result. Accordingly, the President's Memorandum does not fall within the
first category of the Youngstown framework. Indeed, because the non-self-
executing character of the relevant treaties not only refutes the notion
that the ratifying parties vested the President with the authority to
unilaterally make treaty obligations binding on domestic courts, but also
implicitly prohibits him from doing so, the President's assertion of authority
is within Youngstown's third category, not the first or even the second.

The United States maintains that congressional acquiescence requires that
the President's Memorandum be given effect as domestic law. But such
acquiescence is pertinent when the President's action falls within the
second Youngstown category, not the third. In any event, congressional
acquiescence does not exist here. Congress' failure to act following the
President's resolution of prior ICJ controversies does not demonstrate
acquiescence because in none of those prior controversies did the President
assert the authority to transform an international obligation into domestic
law and thereby displace state law. The United States' reliance on the
President's "related" statutory responsibilities and on his "established role" in
litigating foreign policy concerns is also misplaced. The President's statutory
authorization to represent the United States before the U. N., the ICJ, and
the U. N. Security Council speaks to his international responsibilities, not to
any unilateral authority to create domestic law.

The combination of a non-self-executing treaty and the lack of
implementing legislation does not preclude the President from acting to
comply with an international treaty obligation by other means, so long as
those means are consistent with the Constitution. But the President may
not rely upon a non-self-executing treaty to establish binding rules of
decision that pre-empt contrary state law. Pp. 30-35.

(ii) The United States also claims that--independent of the United States'
treaty obligations--the Memorandum is a valid exercise of the President's
foreign affairs authority to resolve claims disputes. See, e.g., American Ins.
Assn. v. Garamendi, 539 U. S. 396 . This Court's claims-settlement cases
involve a narrow set of circumstances: the making of executive agreements
to settle civil claims between American citizens and foreign governments or
foreign nationals. They are based on the view that "a systematic,
unbroken, executive practice, long pursued to the knowledge of the
Congress and never before questioned," can "raise a presumption that the
[action] had been [taken] in pursuance of its consent." Dames & Moore v.
Regan, 453 U. S. 654 . But "[p]ast practice does not, by itself, create
power." Ibid. The President's Memorandum--a directive issued to state
courts that would compel those courts to reopen final criminal judgments
and set aside neutrally applicable state laws--is not supported by a
"particularly longstanding practice."

The Executive's limited authority to settle international claims disputes
pursuant to an executive agreement cannot stretch so far. Pp. 35-37.

(iii) Medelln's argument that the President's Memorandum is a valid exercise
of his power to "Take Care" that the laws be faithfully executed, U. S.
Const., Art. II, sec.3, fails because the ICJ's decision in Avena is not
domestic law. P. 37. 223 S. W. 3d 315, affirmed.

Roberts, C. J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Scalia, Kennedy,
Thomas, and Alito, JJ., joined.

Stevens, J., filed an opinion concurring in the judgment.

Breyer, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Souter and Ginsburg, JJ.,
joined.

Loki
March 25th, 2008, 12:14 PM
Sorry Im to lazy to read all that. Was was their beef? But sounds like it turned out well in the end. Or did I miss something?

Jake_Blues
March 25th, 2008, 12:22 PM
Basically, US signs a treaty to join the UN and part of the UN charter we approved creates an international court, international court rules one way but Texas state law says differently, Pres says we should obey the treaty, but state law wins.

-E

DaJudge
March 25th, 2008, 12:30 PM
Basically, US signs a treaty to join the UN and part of the UN charter we approved creates an international court, international court rules one way but Texas state law says differently, Pres says we should obey the treaty, but state law wins.

-E
Right on the money! Very impressive! All the rest is the Court's explaination of their reasoning and the cases supporting their conclusions.

Loki
March 25th, 2008, 12:59 PM
Thanks for the Cliff Notes. :) Good to know.

Jake_Blues
March 25th, 2008, 02:49 PM
I don't agree with their decision though, I think it's a total cop-out, but they never listen.

-E

MonkeyBomb
March 25th, 2008, 04:23 PM
We need to drop the UN like a hot potato. Its a good call im my opinion.